ناز و انداز سے کہتے ہیں کہ جینا ہوگا
زہر بھی دیتے ہیں تو کہتے ہیں کہ پینا ہوگا
جب میں پیتا ہوں تو کہتے ہیں کہ مرتا بھی نہیں
جب میں مرتا ہوں تو کہتے ہیں جینا ہوگا
During a parliamentary session five months ago regarding the 26th constitutional amendment, former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif recited verses by Sahir Ludhianvi to express his grievances over the judicial proceedings against him. This complaint was, in reality, directed at the establishment, as these judges were being manipulated like puppets by Bajwa and the Faizabad network. Analyzing the context and tone of these verses makes one thing clear: disillusionment. The events of 2017—when he was ousted from power for the third time by the Supreme Court, endured imprisonment, and eventually left for London—left a deep impact on his demeanor. Even after his return to Pakistan following the ouster of Imran Khan's government in 2022, much was said and done to prevent him from becoming prime minister for a fourth time.
The campaign to limit civilian rulers in Pakistan's system began immediately after General Musharraf's departure. Generals Ashfaq Parvez Kayani and Raheel Sharif heavily pressured the PPP and PML-N governments. A massive media and social media apparatus was built to discredit them, and the judiciary was used to humiliate them. Despite all this, Nawaz Sharif, as prime minister, managed to push through several major initiatives. By 2017, it seemed like all obstacles had been overcome—but the establishment, having already set its targets, was not pleased. What followed was a complete reversal.
Imran Khan's tenure as prime minister and PTI's rule will always be remembered for how they nearly eliminated whatever little space remained for civilian governance. The mantra of "Just tell General Faiz" became so pervasive that even the military grew weary, wondering, "Who have we brought into power?" In their attempt to rectify the situation, they naturally turned to the PML-N.
For a while, it seemed Nawaz Sharif would become prime minister for the fourth time. However, before the elections, Faisal Vawda—then the establishment's most "credible" spokesperson—declared on a major TV show that Nawaz Sharif was "finished." The channel repeatedly aired this statement as breaking news, sending a clear signal to those who understood. The message to Nawaz Sharif was unmistakable: "You have a habit of making independent decisions, but that era is over. We cannot work together." Nawaz Sharif realized that if he wanted to remain in politics within this system, he had no choice but to comply.
Shehbaz Sharif, who has always willingly accepted the establishment's dominance, became prime minister. He has long been a favourite of the establishment due to his performance. Maryam Nawaz was given the Punjab government, where she is working hard to build her political and governance credentials within the system. Nawaz Sharif's role has been reduced to that of an elder advisor, and he seems to have accepted this.
Whether it's the situation in Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, or the issue of constructing canals from the Indus River, the establishment is a direct stakeholder. Those political and media circles suggesting that Nawaz Sharif should play an active role in broader national reconciliation overlook one key fact: he will not do anything that could create problems for his brother and daughter's governments. No one understands better than Nawaz Sharif that nearly all political parties remain preoccupied with pleasing the establishment.
Even Imran Khan, the so-called "anti-establishment rebel," has been exposed by Azam Swati's recent revelations about how he sought the army chief's favour. So, no matter how many reports emerge about Nawaz Sharif becoming active again—whether it's uniting political parties, touring the country, reorganizing PML-N, or holding public hearings—none of this will happen in his old, assertive style. At most, there might be limited engagement: drawing-room politics, occasional meetings, attendance at public events, and cautious statements when necessary.
Recently, during a meeting with Baloch leaders in Lahore, Nawaz Sharif agreed to play a role in resolving Balochistan's issues. May peace and development return to Balochistan — but the real question is how much mandate the establishment will give him on this matter. Whatever happens will remain within their framework.
Some may dismiss his appointment as the patron-in-chief of the "Authority for Heritage Revival" for Lahore's historical preservation as a trivial step. But it sends a clear message about the kind of activities he is now permitted to engage in. Those still hoping for Nawaz Sharif to return to his old, dynamic politics can gauge the current political climate regarding the PML-N founder through Faraz's verse:
اپنا یہ حال کہ جی ہار چکے لٹ بھی چکے
اور محبت وہی انداز پرانے مانگے